Dentro de la Unión Europea, la libertad de prensa es una realidad. No hay ningún periodista asesinado por orden de un Estado, ninguno encarcelado, y ha desaparecido la censura estatal. Los medios de comunicación expresan opiniones diversas y generalmente está garantizado el pluralismo de las ideas.A pesar de ello, la situación no es perfecta. Hay que mantenerse vigilantes frente a la concentración de los medios de comunicación, excesiva en algunos países, y la recurrente cuestión del refuerzo de la protección del secreto de las fuentes ilustra muy bien los fallos que aún persisten en las leyes europeas. Todavía hay periodista que pueden verse obligados, mediante el sometimiento a examen o la detención provisional si es necesario, a revelar sus fuentes. El Parlamento Europeo se ha manifestado varias veces en favor de una armonización de las legislaciones, en el sentido de las más favorables a la libertad de expresión.

After seemingly endless rounds of talks with its Polish and Czech counterparts about fielding a missile defense system in Europe, the United States made some progress in early February when Warsaw and Washington jointly announced they had reached an agreement—in principle—to move forward with the deployment of ten interceptors in Poland.

La création de l’Union méditerranéenne, dont l’idée a été lancée par le Président de la République, doit se concevoir comme un projet politique. La Méditerranée n’est pas un monde clos réduit au face à face des pays riches et faiblement peuplés de la rive nord et des pays du Sud, souvent dotés des richesses énergétiques, mais qui souffrent de leurs divisions et des conflits qui les animent. L’Union méditerranéenne doit se construire pour établir le lien entre l’Union européenne fortement intégrée et l’Union africaine en train de se bâtir. Si l’Union méditerranéenne est bien un monde en soi, elle doit aussi être un monde ouvert.

I feel a strong sense of personal history in delivering this lecture today. My father was born in Brussels, my mother in Poland. My family history reflects the strife which divided the Continent and the values which later united it. This college reflects that history too. You have a sister college in Poland. The vision of your founder, Henri Brugmans, a hero of the Dutch resistance, was fired by memories of dark days listening to BBC reports of resistance struggle against fascism. And the people we honour this year, Anna Politkovskaya and Hrant Dink, were exemplars of our basic commitment to freedom of expression, a founding value of the EU.

This paper claims that the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) of the EU, and in particular the elements related to justice and home affairs (JHA), is a complex, multilayered initiative that incorporates different logics and instruments. To unravel the various layers of the policy, the paper proceeds in three steps: firstly, it lays out some facts pertaining to the origins of the ENP, as its ‘origins’ arguably account for a number of the core tensions. It then presents the underlying logic and objectives attributed to JHA cooperation, which can be derived from the viewpoints voiced during policy formulation. The paper goes on to argue that despite the existence of different logics, there is a unifying objective, which is to ‘extra-territorialise’ the management of ‘threats’ to the neighbouring countries. The core of the paper presents the various policy measures that have been put in place to achieve external ‘threat management’. In this context it is argued that the ’conditionality-inspired policy instruments’, namely monitoring and benchmarking of progress, transfer of legal and institutional models to non-member states and inter-governmental negotiations, contain socialisation elements that rely on the common values approach. This mix of conditionality and socialisation instruments is illustrated in two case studies, one on the fight against terrorism and one on irregular migration. Finally, the paper recommends that the EU draft an Action-Oriented Paper (AOP) on JHA cooperation with the ENP countries that indicates how the EU intends to balance the conflicting objectives and instruments that are currently present in the JHA provisions of the ENP.

Considerando que la protección de la universalidad e indivisibilidad de los derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos civiles, políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales, sigue siendo uno de los principales objetivos de la Unión Europea, Considerando que docenas de periodistas independientes, disidentes pacíficos y defensores de los derechos humanos (miembros de la oposición democrática que, en la mayoría de los casos, están vinculados al proyecto Varela) siguen en prisión, algunos de ellos gravemente enfermos, siendo muchos de ellos familiares directos de las Damas de Blanco,...

The European Union has told Turkey that in order to become a “true democracy” worth joining it, it must acknowledge responsibility for the 1915 Armenian “genocide,” even if the Republic of Turkey as such did not exist until 1923.

The sequence of events that has swept through Central and Eastern Europe in recent years is remarkable. What initially seemed to be individual incidents of democratic readjustment in Slovakia and Croatia have expanded into a series of spectacular political transformations in a pattern of “color revolutions” in countries as diverse as Serbia, Georgia and Ukraine. Some observers have even framed these developments as a “fourth wave of democracy.” While observers may differ in the terminology they employ and in their overall assessments of the events, they generally agree on a number of characteristics common to these recent democratic changes.

Altogether 498 attacks were carried out in the EU in 2006. The vast majority of them resulted in limited material damage and were not intended to kill. However, the failed attack in Germany and the foiled London plot demonstrate that Islamist terrorists also aim at mass casualties.

This brief takes issue with the prevailing view that the ESDP capacity building process is easier and has been more successful in the civilian than in the military field. It argues that civilian capacity building is harder than military capacity building, demonstrates that the EU’s civilian rapid reaction capacity is considerably smaller and less integrated than it is generally assumed, and that the capacity goals set for 2008 are unattainable. Yet another major EU expectations-capability gap has been created and there is now a real danger that this gap will seriously damage the EU’s reputation as the global leader in civilian crisis management.

The European Union is suffering a deep crisis: disdain, disillusionment and distrust top the list of prevailing sentiments towards the European institutions, as was brought home dramatically by the failed referenda on the Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands.

Italia y España tienen mucho que aportar, tanto en el seno de la Unión Europea como desde el Proceso de Barcelona, para que seamos verdaderamente capaces de pasar de una aproximación obsesionada por el pasado a una voluntad imantada por el futuro.

The European Union (EU) summit of December 14-15 was preceded by months of speculation about the likelihood of what the EU Commissioner for Enlargement, Olli Rehn, repeatedly characterized as a possible “train crash,’ which would result from EU insistence on Turkey’s implementation of the Customs Union provisions it had signed in 2005 by opening its ports and airports to Greek Cypriot ships and aircraft and Turkish unwillingness to comply unless the EU eased the international embargo on the Turkish Cypriots. Consequently, the summit decision to formalize without serious debate the EU Commission recommendation adopted by the EU foreign ministers to suspend negotiations on ‘only’ 8 of the 34 remaining chapters – just one chapter was closed with great difficulty since the opening of negotiations in October 2005 – suggests that the feared accident has been avoided. Rehn and the British Foreign Secretary, Margaret Beckett, pointedly noted that the Turkish train had ‘stayed on track’ and their interpretation of the EU decision was reinforced by post-summit speculation that the EU might even proceed to negotiations on some of the non-suspended chapters while finally making concrete gestures to the Turkish Cypriots.

On January 1st 2007, Germany took over the rotating EU presidency. Chancellor Angela Merkel has ambitious goals, most notably an EU agreement on what to do with the Union’s moribund constitutional treaty. She also wants progress towards a more efficient EU energy policy and closer links with countries in the former Soviet Union. None of these will be easy to achieve. To make the presidency look like a success, Germany may concentrate on endearing the EU to its citizens – by throwing a big anniversary party for the Rome treaty, for example – and to European businesses by cutting back red tape and bureaucracy.

The European Union has developed a significant presence as a regional and world actor; but its goals at tyimes exceed its capacity to act as a suprantional entity. With roots as an economic bloc; the EU has over the years attempted to correct the imbalance between its global economic and political presences, developing the Common Foreign and Security Policy and later the European Security and Defense Policy to allow for a more effective external profile.

The recent demise of the anti-American Schroeder-Chirac partnership has allowed for renewed optimism in Washington about relations between the United States and the European Union (EU). However, the reemergence of the draft EU constitution[1] represents a fundamental threat to American interests far more profound than the hostility of any one European leader. This draft constitution challenges U.S. strategic, diplomatic, judicial, and military interests. It enshrines modish and ephemeral values as supreme law for 25 separate nation-states with the intention of fully globalizing its lofty and elite-driven policies.

The crucial role of private security companies in Iraq looks increasingly like a pointer to the future. Private contractors are offering not only new reserves of skilled manpower but also sophisticated services ranging from intelligence-gathering and infrastructure protection to the provision in Iraq of command-and-control that links reconstruction and counter-insurgency operations. With many of these specialist security companies originating in Europe, how should EU policymakers see their roles developing? As Europe's defence and security identity takes shape, what should be the interrelationship between EU member states' often hard-pressed military and the growing numbers of private sector security operators?

On the day James Baker's Iraq report was published, I gritted my teeth and waited for the well-earned, long-awaited, Franco-German "Old Europe" gloat to begin. I didn't wait long. "America Faces Up to the Iraq Disaster" read a headline in Der Spiegel. In the patronizing tones of a senior doctor, Le Monde diagnosed the "political feverishness" gripping Washington in Baker's wake. Suddeutsche Zeitung said the report "stripped Bush of his authority," although Le Figaro opined that nothing Baker proposed could improve the "catastrophic state" of Iraq anyway.

La culture internationale contemporaine est imprégnée de mythes. Trois d’entre eux occupent une place particulière: celui de l’universel, celui de la paix et celui de la suprématie du droit. Les mythes peuvent être bénéfiques à condition de ne pas oublier qu’ils ne sont que des interprétations et non des vérités absolues. C’est précisément cet oubli qui pourrait porter préjudice aux Occidentaux, créateurs et exportateurs des principales mythologies de l’international.

La Comisión de Defensa de la Asamblea de la UEO ha adoptado la decisión de supervisar regularmente el progreso alcanzado en relación con la Fuerza de Gendarmería Europea y de elaborar informes de seguimiento sobre las operaciones emprendidas por esta Fuerza y del despliegue de sus unidades.

A key ambition of the EU draft Constitutional Treaty of 2004 was to strengthen the Union’s ability to assume a global role. The EU has for a long time been an economic giant, and irrespective of whether or not it has been able to agree on common positions towards the rest of the world, it does have a considerable impact on world affairs. When, for instance, the EU decides to break new ground in international development cooperation or chooses a certain course in multilateral trade talks, these decisions have an impact on the lives of people across the globe.

Th is book is a partial assessment of this record thus far, and is based around two themes. Th e fi rst theme relates to the policy priorities of the Union. It was clear that the debate within Europe is increasingly focused upon what it is that a Union foreign policy should actually now be trying to do in the world. Every state and institution acting in the security sector is of course also aware of the magnitude and diversity of human security issues and the diffi culties of prioritisation when only limited funds are available. Both short and long-term commitments are required, yet outcomes are notoriously hard to anticipate. Th e idea that so-called ‘soft’ security issues are in some way easy to resolve is palpably wrong, as both states and institutions have found. So the notion that there can be a ‘quick-fi x’ solution to most contemporary security problems is not tenable, not least as there is a frequent lack of agreement both about the causes and the best kinds of solutions to many of the security issues with which the EU is now grappling. The traditional aid and development role of the Union and how this currently dovetails with the apparently growing role of ESDP lies near the heart of this policy debate. It was for this reason that the balance between the use of military force, and aid, development tools, and civilian instruments of power were of particular interest in our discussions.

Only Bosnia's politicians can undertake the fundamental changes required for accession. In response to this challenge the leaders of the major political parties undertook a consensus-driven process facilitated by representatives of the Institute, the Public International Law and Policy Group, and the Dayton Project. The goal was to produce a package of constitutional amendments by October 2005 to strengthen the state.

Parvanov remains the favorite as the run-off approaches. If he wins, continuity will be the political outcome in Bulgarian policy. Sofia's real challenge, however, will be its accession to the European Union in January 2007. Bulgaria is considered the least prepared country to join the European club, mainly because of its high level of corruption in political and business activities, its violent and strong networks of organized crime, and its recent political failure to decisively topple such problems.

Next year’s 50th anniversary of the EU’s founding Rome treaty should be celebrated with pride, for it marks an historic achievement: half a century of re-uniting a divided continent thanks to the democratic vision of founding fathers like Jean Monnet, Robert Schuman, Paul-Henri Spaak, Alcide de Gasperi and Konrad Adenauer. But there is also cause for concern because the European project is in crisis; it may not be a clear cut crisis, but it is a profound one.

The Rapporteur wishes to express his gratitude to all those at the OECD who have helped to make this report possible. During his informative and wide-ranging meetings, he was offered a clear and fascinating view of current economic conditions, and of the circumstances that are shaping future prospects. While this report cannot hope to provide detail on all the topics raised, it does aim to set out an overview of key trends and questions for the global economy, and to discuss a series of challenges that seem, to the Rapporteur, of particular relevance. These include long-term increases in energy prices, the need to preserve global financial stability and make progress with trade liberalisation, and the development of more effective frameworks for delivering international aid.

During the 1990s, the influx of asylum seekers to Europe topped the asylum and immigration agenda. Public debate centred on the steep rise in asylum applications across the continent, the malfunctioning of backlogged and overstretched administrations, and fears that bogus asylum seekers were taking advantage of the sanctuary offered by the European Union’s Member States.

With Romania’s expected entry into the European Union in 2007, the EU will share a border with Moldova, a weak state divided by conflict and plagued by corruption and organised crime. Moldova’s leadership has declared its desire to join the EU, but its commitment to European values is suspect, and efforts to resolve its dispute with the breakaway region of Transdniestria have failed to end a damaging stalemate that has persisted for fifteen years. Young people have little confidence in the country’s future and are leaving at an alarming rate. If Moldova is to become a stable part of the EU’s neighbourhood, there will need to be much greater international engagement, not only in conflict resolution but in spurring domestic reforms to help make the country more attractive to its citizens.

Actualmente en Europa se está produciendo un descenso de la natalidad y un envejecimiento de la población. Este estudio evalúa las políticas que pueden prevenir o mitigar las consecuencias adversas de estas dos tendencias. RAND ha elaborado un marco analítico en el que destaca las interrelaciones entre las políticas gubernamentales, las condiciones socioeconómicas y el comportamiento demográfico en el ámbito de los hogares. Utilizando este marco como guía, el equipo de RAND ha revisado los estudios existentes, ha examinado los datos demográficos europeos y ha llevado a cabo estudios de caso en cinco países.

'année prochaine, ce sera le cinquantenaire du Traité fondateur du projet européen. Nous fêterons l'événement avec fierté car depuis 1957, la réunification du continent a été faite autour des valeurs que n'avaient cessé de promouvoir Jean Monnet, Robert Schuman, Paul-Henri Spaak, Alcide de Gasperi et Konrad Adenauer, les pères fondateurs, et cela constitue un succès historique. Mais nous le fêterons aussi avec un sentiment d'inquiétude car l'Europe est aujourd'hui essoufflée.

Post-World War II anti-Nazi speech laws have increased in scope over the past sixty years. Instead of silencing extremists, however, the laws reduce political debate in Europe and often punish mainstream politicians and parties.

In a little over nine months' time, the European Union will mark the half-century since the signing of its founding treaties in Rome on March 25, 1957. But that anniversary looks set to be celebrated under a cloud of uncertainty. This week Europe's leaders will agree an open-ended extension to the "period of reflection" on the bloc's future, which has been going on since the rejection of the EU constitution in referendums in France and the Netherlands a year ago.

One year to the day after the French voted No to the draft new constitution for the European Union, the foreign ministers of the 15 EU member states have kicked the ball down the road for another three years.

iscussing the European Union's failed constitution in Vienna this weekend, Europe's foreign ministers were disarmingly candid. They acknowledged that they failed to convince a majority of voters in France, the Netherlands and probably elsewhere that a European Union constitution is a good idea. They acknowledged that they cannot attempt to revive the constitution at this point since it is moribund. And then they acknowledged something more troubling: that they consider the above facts to be more a problem of marketing than a reason to scuttle the idea.

The Bush administration is moving to establish a new antimissile site in Europe that would be designed to stop attacks by Iran against the United States and its European allies.

In its not-so-long history, the European Union (EU) has known many anni horribiles marked by major events that brought about more or less prolonged crises. But the year 2005 will no doubt be recalled as one of the worst. The rejection of the constitutional treaty, which was signed in fall 2004, in referendums in France and in the Netherlands not only derailed a reform process that the European leaders had presented as crucial for the future of the EU, but also gave rise to a wider identity crisis over the meaning and purpose of the European Union.

The ‘No’ votes mark the end of the idea that the EU can be a European ‘super-state’ providing a wide range of social policies and instead can lead to the return of the EU to its origins set out in the slim Treaty of Rome.

It is now well known that the terrorist cell that conducted the 9-11 attacks did much of its planning from a base in Europe. Five years later, and despite many counterterrorism successes, violent Islamist extremism in Europe continues to pose a threat to the national security of the United States and our allies.

What happens when radical relativism meets mass Muslim immigration.

In some of the most decadent liberal areas of Western Europe, where tolerance is considered the greatest (and often, alas, the only) virtue, non-Muslim women wear a hijab when they go out to avoid harassment by aggressive young Muslim men. In the suburbs of major cities of Old Europe that have large and expanding Muslim populations, such as Amsterdam and Paris, honor killings, forced marriages and spousal abuse are on the rise.

Take any week of the year, and you are sure to find a top executive from the Russian state-owned natural gas monopoly Gazprom spending more time in a European capital than at headquarters in Moscow.

Russia's choice of energy security to top the agenda of its Group of Eight presidency was both prescient and timely. In Europe, we have to address urgently the dual problems of our fragmented internal market and our increasing energy dependence, particularly on imported gas, which brings new risks to Europe's energy security.

The European Union should not ignore Belarus, whose citizens will vote in a presidential election on March 19th 2006. This strategically important country, nestling between Russia, the EU and Ukraine, has the most authoritarian regime in Europe.

The Spanish government is seeking legislative ways to block a hostile bid of €29.1 billion, or $34.7 billion, by the German power giant E.ON for Endesa, a Spanish utility. Following French efforts to enshrine "poison pill" defenses against hostile takeover bids at home, some Italian officials are contemplating similar legislative changes, while Spain also seeks a way to block the E.ON bid by changing its laws.

The West is in crisis. Attacked externally by fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism, it is not able to rise to the challenge. Undermined internally by a moral and spiritual crisis, it can't seem to find the courage to react. Our affluence makes us feel guilty and we are ashamed of our traditions.

Paper contains the three papers presented to the CEPS-IISS Euorpean Security Forum focusing on the EU’s ‘crisis’ in the wake of the French and Dutch ‘no’ votes to the Constitutional Treaty and a summary of the debate by the ESF Chairman. Papers include: “American and European Malaise? A European Perspective”, by Jeffrey Gedmin

Some are fond of saying that Munich's spirit is alive and well in Europe. And judging by the way so many pundits and officials are responding to the cartoon jihad, one is tempted to agree. Norwegian and Danish embassies were burnt and Arab countries have withdrawn their ambassadors from Denmark. European products are being boycotted.

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), released a report, "Going for Growth," that details economic prospects in the industrial world. The conclusion is clear: Europe is in deep trouble. These days we all talk about the rise of Asia and the challenge to America, but it may well turn out that the most consequential trend of the next decade will be the economic decline of Europe.

Lamenta que no se hayan producido por parte de las autoridades cubanas las señales significativas que la Unión Europea viene reclamando en lo que se refiere al respeto pleno a las libertades fundamentales y, en especial, a la libertad de expresión y de asociación política, y condena el recrudecimiento de la represión así como el aumento del número de presos de conciencia.

The way 2006 started –with energy crises to our east, renewed fears of a flu pandemic drawing ever closer to our borders, and the Middle East reeling from changes of leadership in Israel and Palestine and renewed uncertainty about Iran’s intentions– indicates plenty of work for the future.

Most EU governments take very little interest in India. That is likely to change. According to Goldman Sachs' research, over the next half century India will grow faster than any other large national economy. By 2050 it will be the world's third largest, behind China and the US - but around four times bigger than each of the next three, Japan, Brazil and Russia.

... Progreso y bienestar materiales, pluralismo de valores y la visión de la vida como placer coexisten en nuestra sociedad con sentimientos indudables de infelicidad colectiva, y probablemente con un gran vacío moral...

The new financial perspective should cover the seven years between 2007 and 2013 and be drawn up for a European Union comprising 27 Member States on the working assumption that Bulgaria and Romania will join the Union in 2007. The amounts allocated to Romania and Bulgaria in their respective Accession Treaties will be respected.

Nuestra región y el mundo están cada vez más estrechamente vinculados. El azote del terrorismo nos ha golpeado a todos; La emigración legal nos fortalece, pero nos perjudica cuando es incontrolada o, peor aún, cuando la controlan las mafias.

In our Presidency, we will try to take forward the Budget deal; to resolve some of the hard dossiers, like the Services Directive and Working Time Directive; to carry out the Union's obligations to those like Turkey and Croatia that wait in hope of a future as part of Europe; and to conduct this debate about the future of Europe in an open, inclusive way, giving our own views strongly but fully respectful of the views of others.

The French and Dutch rejections of the constitutional treaty throw into stark relief the divisions between two groups of EU countries. On one side are countries -Britain, Ireland, the Nordic three plus the majority of the new member-states - who (crudely put) favour a more economically liberal and diverse European Union. On the other is an integrationist group led by France and Germany, but also including Spain, Belgium and potentially Italy, that wants a more 'social Europe' and opposes further enlargement.

The French referendum makes it particularly hard for the EU to push ahead with economic reform and enlargement. Many will interpret the Non as a vote against liberalisation and further accessions. But given the dreadful performance of much of the Euroland economy, the EU has little choice but to continue with economic reform.

Polls show two of the European Union's six founding members are poised to vote against a proposed constitutional treaty this week, which would likely kill it. In a union of 25 countries, all must ratify the document, although only 10 plan referenda.

Managing policy differences on a range of issues emanating from the Middle East poses serious challenges for the United States and its European allies and friends.

Reflecting on the impact of the visit by US President Bush to Europe, EPC Founding Chairman Stanley Crossick argues that no fundamental change in US foreign policy can be expected. While Europe and the United States share a number of key political objectives, it remains unclear whether the President seeks a true, and equal, partnership with Europe.

Europeans who favor lifting the embargo insist that they need to send “a positive signal” to the leadership in Beijing. But what about the signal it would send to the people of China?

The past few years have given cause to questions about the involvement of Saudi citizens, nongovernmental organisations and persons in authority in the propagation among Muslims of strong anti-Western ideas, which could incite to radicalisation and perhaps even to terrorism

In a new century, the alliance of Europe and North America is the main pillar of our security. Our robust trade is one of the engines of the world's economy. Our example of economic and political freedom gives hope to millions who are weary of poverty and oppression.

"In this one world, we undertook in the United Nations Charter "to unite our strength to main­tain international peace and security".